In this paper I analyze two so-called pseudocoordinating constructions in Ossetic. In these constructions, the conjunction ɜmɜ ‘and’ introduces causal and complement clauses, which is not typical of coordinating conjunctions. When known tests for coordination and subordination are applied to these constructions, it turns out that they cannot be adequately characterized in terms of a binary opposition between coordination and subordination. I claim that an adequate explanation of the observed properties consists in defining the notions of ‘coordination’ and ‘subordination’ at three levels distinguished in Lexical Functional Grammar: constituent structure, functional structure, and semantics.